Thursday, February 1, 2018

Status of woman in Buddhism an overview

   

Bhikkhu Sumanapal


Goutama Buddha attained Enlightenment at the age of thirty five. He died when he was eighty years old. So he got forty five years to develop and elaborate his teachings.1 So he had a very long period to preach his doctrine. The Sangha was established by him for the purpose of preaching his Dhamma. The Buddha had two classes’ followers namely the monks or bhikkhus and the gahapatis or householders. The bhikkhus were the more earnest band among the followers of the Buddha who had left their to live 'a homeless life'.2 

Archaeological and literacy evidence prove the rapid expansion of the Bhikkhuņi Sangha in the next few hundred years, the Bhābru and Schism pillar Edicts of Asoka mention Bhikkhus as well as Bhikkhuņis.  After the reign of Asoka, both before and during the Sunga – Maurya period, the donative inscriptions of the Sanchi-stupa, the Bharhut stupa and the Bodh-Gaya railings give the information about Bhikkhuņis and various places or centres situated near about sanchi and Bharhut with which nuns were associated.  Junnar Buddhist cave inscription records the erection of a nunnery (Bhikkhuņis -upasaya). In the eight inscriptions of Amaravati, mentions of upasakas, Upasikas, Bhikkhus and Bhikkhuņis are found.  The existence Bhikkhuņi orders at Mathura till the 5th and 6th century of the Christian era is proved by the account of Fa-Hien. In describing Mo-tu-lo (Mathura).  Bana is his Harsha Charita Clearly mentioned the existence of Bhikkhuņi Order.  I–Tsing visited India in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D. and he gave information about nuns.  There is not any Indian monk, Brahminical or Buddhist, containing references to the Bhikkhuņis in the 9th or 10th Century A.D.3 The existences of women recluses were prevalent in India before the Buddhist era.4 In the early Vedas it is found that female Rsis composed religious hymns together with the Rsis.5 In the Upanisadic age too, woman strove Vigorously after spiritual perfection.  Tree after her designation was Brahmavadini.6 Jain texts also give evidence of the existence of women ascetics.7 At the time of the Buddha, women struggled desperately to renounce the world and to be free from worldly bondage.8

At first Buddha did not allow women to enter the Sangha and there are some debates regarding the formation of the bhikkhuni Sangha. The Apadana9 tells us that it was the Buddha's wife. Yasodhara10 who prayed to him for the permission of ordination of women but the permission was not granted. But according to the Vinaya pitaka11 it was the Buddha's foster mother who requested him to allow women to enter the Sangha.  Miss I B Horner says that in all probability Yasodhara was the first women to enter the Sangha as a nun and Mahapajapati Goutami joined the order after the death of her husband king  Shuddhodana, the Buddha's father. However, book like Apadana and Avadana mention Yasodhara as the founder of bhikkhuni  Sangha.12 But the Vinaya pitaka which is a much earlier work gives the credit to Goutami. It is said that after the demise of Shuddhodana, the Buddha's father, a rivalry started between the Santa's and the Koliyas regarding the water of Rohini River. The Buddha solved the problem and after that began to live at Nigrodharama (Banyan Park) of Kapilabastu.13 At that time Goutami came there and said to him, "It would be well, Lord, if women should be allowed to renounce their homes and enter the homeless state under the doctrine and discipline proclaimed by Tathagata. She made the same request twice more but the Buddha turned down her request on both the occasions. As a result of this Goutami departed with tears in her eyes. 

 Later when the Buddha was residing in the Kutagara Hall of the Mahavana of Vesali from Kapilabastu  Goutami arrived there with her followers, most of them were Sakyan women. They were wearing saffron coloured robes as the symbol of a life of renunciation. They travelled the entire distance on foot and when they reached there they were looking sad and gloomy and had tears in their eyes. They were also tired and their plight melted the heart of Ananda, one of the chief disciples of the Buddha. He requested the Buddha repeatedly for granting them the permission for entering the Sangha and the Buddha acceded to the request, albeit reluctantly. However, he imposed eight conditions and Goutami driven by the intense desire of becoming a nun agreed to follow all of them. Thus Ananda and Goutami should be regarded as the founders of bhikkhuni Sangha. So Mahapajapati Goutami was the first woman to fight women's rights to monastic life and to receive ordination. At the initial stage monks were entrusted with the responsibility of giving ordination to women but soon if was found that women were feeling perplexed and discovered when asked the questions essential for upasampada (higher ordination). As a result the rule of ordinating women by nuns only was introduced. 

The eight rules mentioned above gave the nuns a position inferior to monks but in spite of this subordinate position they accepted it as their desire for knowledge and emancipation was very intense. 

The longed for a new life that is free from the bondage of the family. After Goutami and her followers had accepted these conditions the order of the nuns was well established in villages and as well as in towns. Let us now make a brief survey of these Garu-dhammas proclaimed by the Buddha.
 I) According to the first rule, the nuns are acceded a subordinate position when compared with the monks. Even if a nun is more experienced, aged, intelligent and learned than a monk she must bow down to him.  The nuns cannot make resolution for Buddhahood. At first they have to try to become male and then they would attain the eligibility to try for Buddhahood. 
II) A nun is not allowed to spend the rainy season in a district where there is no monk. This rule can never be transgressed.14 This rule proves that nuns occupy a inferior position to monks. In those days women were not as advanced as they are now and so it was not for them to live alone. They were not even allowed to spend the rainy season in a monastery where there is no monk. Perhaps the socio religious condition prevailing in the Buddha's time impelled him introduce those rules. 

III) According to the third rule, the nuns had to see monks twice in a month.  Both the monks and the nuns had to attend the uposatha15 ceremony but the nuns were not empowered to fix the dates of their uposatha. 

IV) Pavarana ceremony was introduced by the Buddha in order to promote the life of harmony among the members of the Sangha. According to this rule, the nuns had to confess their guilt in front of the monks but the monks did not have to confess their guilt in front of the nuns. So this rule was discriminatory against the nuns. Later the Buddha realised it and allowed the nuns to hold their own Pavarana16 ceremony. 

V) This rule says 'Garudhammam ajjhapannya bhikkhuniya ubhotosamghe pakkhamanattam caritabham ayampi so anatikkamaniya, cullavagga-PTS. X, p. 255. This means 'when an almswomen who has been guilty of a serious offence is to undergo the Manatta disciple towards both the Sanghas (Almsmen and almswomen), this is a rule....never to be transgressed.’17 We do not a very clear idea as to the nature of the infliction of the Manatta.18 With the passage of time and circumstances the disciplinary rules against the against the nuns have taken a different shape. At a later period the Buddha gave the nuns to hold the patimokkha recitation and the confession of faults especially among themselves. 

VI) This rule says, "Dve vassani chasu dhammesu sikkhitasikkhaya sikkhamanaya ubhotosamghe upasampada19 pariyesitabha, ayam pi......anatikkamaniyo. (cullavagga. PTS. X, p. 255). This means 'when an almswomen, as novice (sikkhamana) has been trained for two years in the six pacittiya rules (p.63-68) of bhikkhuni patimokkha, would be asked to leave both the Sanghas. This is a rule ... not to be transgressed.20 This rule serves as a measure to put the entry of incompetent women into the Sangha under check. The community of nuns was empowered to ordain the female novice but they could not give higher ordination. The ordinary nuns were required to remain for two years as novice and had to train themselves in six rules without any break. In the matter of ordination there was a difference between male and female novices. The male novices have to observe ten precepts21 whereas the female observe only six. Apparently women had fewer duties and rights than men. However, the nuns had to undergo a stricter process for their recruitment. With the introduction of these rules the Buddha tried to limit the entry of unworthy women in the community of nuns. 

VII) This rule says, 'Na bhikkhuniya kenaci pariyayena bhikkhu akkositabbo paribhasitabbo, ayam pi....annatikammaniyo'. (Cullavagga, PTS. p. 255). This means, "From henceforth official admonition of almswomen by almsmen is not forbidden. This is a rule.....never to be transgressed."22 This rule clearly forbids the nuns to rebuke monks. The Buddha never definitely bade the monks to be polite in their treatment of the nuns, however, the use of harsh or slanderous words by the monks to the nuns was also strictly forbidden. 

            VIII) This is another rule which definitely recognizes the inferiority of women.  She had no right to speak in front of men or admonish anybody.  But the Bhikkhus had the right to admonish nuns.  It is true that some Theras, but not all, were generally famous for their exceptional moral conduct vast bearing and spiritual attainments, and the nuns generally prefer to hear sermons from them.  Some of the nuns were also famous for vast learning and erudition.  So this rule is definitely an instance of the placing of women imposition of inferiority to the men.  It also refused to allow them for becoming independent to manage their own Order and the raAtify their own proceedings.

"The group of the eight disciplinary ordinances is to be regarded as the kernel of the Bhiksuni Vinaya.  They are the exclusive original property of the nuns' Disciplinary Code, in which their position in the Buddhist Order is determined, as well as their obligations and relations to the monks.  The Bhiksuni-Pratimoksa-Vibhanga cannot claim such originality.  It is composed along the lines of the Bhiksu-Pratimoksa Vibhanga, which is the very prototype of it."23 However, we have learned that the eight 'Garu-Dhamma' have their corresponding readings in Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese and Tebetan as well.24 This indicates that they belong to a common heritage of the Buddhist Order which reaches to ancient times even prior to division into Mahasanghika and Sthavira i.e. before C. 350 B.C., through their sequence is not in full concordance in the different schools.  Eight schools has its own set of Patimokkha-Rules, the main body is that a set of original rules which every school shares.  More rules are formulated in addition to the original rules handed down from Buddha's time.  Dr. Chatsumarn Kabilsingh has given a valuable chart where the comparative numbers of rules in each section of the Bhikkhuni-Patimokkha in each school may be seen as follows:

                                Th.               Dh.                    Mhs.                 Msg.               Sar.         M Sar

Parajika                    30                  8                          8                      8                    8               8

Samghadisesa          8                   17                      17                      19                17              20

Nissaggiya-Pacittiya 17             30                         30                     30                  30              33

Pacittiya                  166              178                     210                    141              178            180

Patidesaniya             8                   8                       8                          8                   8                 8

Sekhiya                    75                100                   100                       77               106             90

Adhikarana-samatha 7                  7                         7                         7                  7                 7
            ____________________________________________________________________
Total                         311              348                    380                 290               354              346

            Two group of minor rules seem to differ greatly in all schools, namely 'Pacittiya' and 'Sekhiya' while the first three major groups of rules remain more or less unity.25 There is no Aniyata–Section like Bhikkhu-Patimokkha.  Here arrangement of the schools follows according to chronological order.

In Bhikkhuni Sangha nuns had not the right to speak in front of men or admonish anybody. But the monks could admonish the nuns. Though there were many nuns who were renowned for their achievements in respect of morality and spiritual attainments they were placed in a position of inferiority in respect of the monks. In this way they were denied of the privilege of managing their own affairs in the Order.
We find a difference of opinion among the modern scholars regarding the eight disciplinary ordinances. The Buddha was not sure whether the monks would be able to retain their celibacy in the presence of nuns. So he proclaimed that these rules would have to be observed for the entire life. The Buddha believed that it would be beneficial to retain a safe distance between the monks and the nuns and so he dictated the nuns for the life long observation of these rules. Apart from that the acceptance and implementation of these rules were considered were an indication of the nuns’ reverence and loyalty towards the sangha. However the Buddha’s anxiety about the stability of the order proved justified when trouble broke out due to the frequent meetings of the monks and the nuns. To an uninformed reader the Buddha might appear somewhat unsympathetic towards women. But actually he had a very sound knowledge of human nature. He preached his doctrine for the welfare of humanity. He was uncertain whether monks and nuns would be able to maintain their celibacy if they were allowed to come close contact with the opposite sex. So he established to separate sangha. We should bear in mind the fact that in the days of the Buddha women were far behind men in almost every respect. Naturally by virtue of their position and physical ability the monks held a superior position in the sangha. The relation between the monks and the nuns in the sangha was that of the teacher and the student. So naturally the teachers enjoyed a few privileges that were denied to the students.
It is said, “The group of the eight disciplinary ordinances is to be regarded as the kernel of the Bhiksuni Vinaya. They are the exclusive original property of the Nuns’ Disciplinary Code, in which their position in the Buddhist order is determined, as well as their obligations and relations to the monks. The Bhiksuni–Pratimoksha- Vibhanga cannot claim such originality. It is composed along the lines of Bhiksu –Pratimoksha Vibhangawhich is the very prototype of it.” We find corresponding readings of the eight “Garu Dhamma’ in languages like Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan.
The women had to pass through more difficult hurdles before being admitted in the sangha. Sickness, insanity, criminality, pregnancy, lactation were the causes that debarred them from entering the sangha. The also needed the consent and permission of their father or husband before entering the homeless life. Women irrespective of their marital or social status were accepted in the sangha as nuns. Though the nuns were accorded an inferior position in the sangha when compared to the monks their spiritual attainment was equally glorious when compared to their male counterparts. Khema, Upalavanna, Dhammadinna, Bhadda Kundalakesa, Patachara, Nanda, etcetera are considered as the role models for the nuns. Meditation, training novices, studying patimokkha occupied very important position in the life of a nun. According to some scholars the Buddha might have hesitated to accept women in the order for some other reasons also. One possible reason might be his compassion for women especially his aunt and foster mother Gotami. The monks and the nuns had to collect their food by begging in the locality. Sometimes they received very little food. The Buddha thought that it would be impossible for Gotami and five hundred women belonging to the royal family to collect their food in that waybecause they were not accustomed to such hardships in life. Secondly at that time there was no monastery. The life of the monks was difficult because they had to live under trees and in caves. The Buddha thought that women would not be able to endure such a difficult life.Again, at that time the Buddha was being criticized by some people on the charge of destroying the family order. Had he agreed to accept the five hundred women into the Sangha it would have resulted in the break up of five hundred families. The Buddha must have these thoughts in his mind when he was repeatedly turning down the requests of the women. But lasted he came to know that the husbands of those women had already left household life and then he realized that by ordaining women he would not be breaking those families. Then he agreed to open the gates of the Sangha to women.
It is also possible that the idea of women leaving the household and joining the order did not enter in his mind before. Only after the death of his father when his foster mother wanted to become a nun such an idea started to work in his mind. In fact it was unthinkable at that time that women would live a homeless life. Even modern   India women generally do not leave the family. But when the Buddha came to the conclusion that enlightenment was a possibility for each and every human being he allowed women to enter the sangha.
The Bhikkhu sangha was founded about seven or eight years before the Bhikkhuni Sangha. Perhaps that is oneof the reasonsthe Buddha made the Bhikkhuni Sangha subordinate to the Bhikkhu Sangha. They were subordinate not in the sense of master and slave but in the sense of elder brother and younger sister.
When women first entered the Sangha the monks expected them to clean the monastery and wash their dishes, robes and rugs. Lay people noticed this and reported the matter to the Buddha and in response the Buddha established rules for monks about how to behave with nuns. For instance, he established precepts that forbade monks to ask the nuns to do their personal jobs like washing robes and so on. 
At the time of the Buddha Buddhism was confined mainly within the limits Madhyadesa and Pragdesa and it was the great Maurya emperor Ashoka who propagated Buddhism in distant countries like Ceylon.26 Asoka entrusted his son Mahinda Thera with the task of taking Buddhism to Ceylon. In his Rock Edict 12 he himself mentioned that he had sent his son Mahinda and daughter Sanghamitta to Ceylon. The third Buddhist Council was held in Pataliputra during the reign of Asoka and the meeting was presided over by Moggaliputta Tissa. In the council it was decided that the law of the Buddha would be preached in foreign countries and Mahinda was selected as the monk to carry theteachings of Buddhism to Ceylon. We find a detailed description about his activities in the Dipavamasa and the Mahavamsa, two famous chronicles of Ceylon. The women of Sri Lanka were equally zealous for being converted to Buddhism. It is mentioned that Anula,27 the consort of the sub king Mahanaga, younger brother of the king Devanampiyatissa and the ladies of the court expressed the desire of taking pabbajja and entering the order. So princess Sanghamitta, daughter of emperor Ashoka and daughter of Thera Mahinda was sent to Ceylon. She also took a branch of the Bodhi Tree from Bodhgaya with her. After arriving in Ceylon, Their Sanghamitta initiated Anula and five hundred other women to the Buddhist order. After being ordained Anula attained Arahatship and she was the first woman Arahat28 in the island. Thus, after the ordination of Anula, the order of female disciples was established in Ceylon. King Devanampiyatissa set about nunneries for the nuns and the bhikkhuni sangha prospered side by side with the bhikkhu sangha.   From the second century A.D. Chinese men were ordained as monks. In the early fourth century one Chinese women Ching Chien was very enthusiastic to become a nun. Although she received sramanerika ordination from a monk she did not receive Bhikkhuni ordination. In the 4th and 5th century A.D. the nuns from Ceylon travelled to China and the Bhikkhuni Sangha was established there. These nuns remained in China and studied the Chinese language. Their ship owner returned to Ceylon and invited enough Bhikkhunis from Sri Lanka. One of them was named Tessara. These two groups of nuns from Sri Lanka gave ordination to more than three hundred Chinese women at Southern Grove monastery. During the first half of twentieth century many huge monasteries were in existence in China. Before the communist take over the monks thought that they were strong and they would be able to survive. But when the nuns heard about the matter they started migrating to Taiwan. They brought their resources along with them, began to build nunneries and became well settled in Taiwan. Later when the Communists took over the mainland and the monks felt that they were unable to survive under the communist rule, they migrated to Taiwan in a hurry and arrived there with almost nothing. The bhikkhuni sangha helped them to reestablish in Taiwan. The monks still remember their act of kindness and consequently in Taiwan nuns are respected both by monks and lay people. The nuns far outnumber the monks, are well educated and have strong communities with their own abbesses.
The first worldwide gathering of nuns, The International Buddhist Conference of Nuns was held in Bodhgaya from 11th   to 17th February 1987. Bhikhunis of varied discipline inaugurated the conference. Buddhist laid women and nuns from countries like U.S.A., Canada, U.K., Poland, France, erstwhile West Germany, Sweden, Australia, Bangladesh, Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, India participated in the ceremony. The Conference endeavored to establish communications and links between Buddhist nuns and lay women and improve the standard of their educational opportunities, so that all Buddhist women were united in their practice of the Dhamma. The Conference can be regarded as an event that signaled the commencement of a new era in the world of the Buddhist women.29 Buddhism has tried earnestly to enable women to attain those rights from which they were deprived from a very long time. It also served to make people aware of the important position that was held by women in society.30
In the modern world most Buddhist association in traditionally Buddhist societies are almost entirely male. But these characteristics are generally unnoticed by people. Women are not adequately represented in these organizations.
Generally Buddhist women show a lack of interest in question of power or status. Most of them are more interested in fulfilling the basic necessities of life rather than accepting the challenges of leadership. But it is high time for women to start taking responsibilities in social and religious life otherwise they would forever remain under the domination of men. 


Notes and References:

1.      S. Barua, Monastic life of the early Buddhist nuns. p.54.
2.      Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. II, ed. Hermann Oldenberg, London, Williams Norgate, 1880, p.253.
3.      S. Barua, Monastic life of the early Buddhist nuns pp. 75-76.
4.        Ibid, p.56.
5.        Mookherjee, Radhakumud, Ancient Indian Education, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1969.p. 75.
6.       Brahmavādins who, according to Katyayana discoursed on sacred texts, though they might no themselves be authors of independent works (Feminine – Brahmavādini).
7.       S. Barua, op.cit., p.56.
8.       Ibid,
9.      Apādāna, Vol. II, Theri Apādāna, P.T.S. No.30, p.592.

10.  Yasodhara prayed to Buddha three times for giving permission for opening the Order of Nuns but refused by him.  Buddha founded the Bhikkuni Sangha, in Kapilavattha under the leadership of Gopa.
11.  Vinayapitaka, Vol.II, p.253.
12.   I.B. Horner, op.cit., p.102.
13.  B. Bhattacharya, Buddhist women saints of India, p.55.
14.  . Ibid, Bhikkhuņi Pācittiya 56; Vol. IV, p. 313.
15.   The full moon and new moon days when Bhikkhus assemble to recite their Fundamental Rules.
16.  The word pavarana (Sanskrit Prfavarana) means 'Satisfaction of desire, 'fulfilment of wish' or 'the day of completion of study and meditation (Pali English Dictionary P.T.S, P.66).  This ceremony is held at the end of the rainretreat (Vassa-vasa) for this reason it may be called the 'Buddhist joy day'.  The Maha Vagga (ed. H. Oldenberg P.11) Contains elaborate rules for entering upon the rain-retreat and observing the pavarana ceremony.
17.   I.B. Horner, op. cit., p.120.
18.  A form of disciplinary action.
19.  Upasampada – It is the higher Ordination which makes one a full-fledged member of the Sangha.  Minimum age limit for the Upasampada is twenty – The samantapasadika (Vol-I, P.241) mentions eight kinds of Upasampada.
20.   I.B. Horner, op.cit., p.120.
21.  Mahavagga, 1, p.56.
22.  I.B. Horner, op.cit., p.120.
23.  Gustav Roth in Introduction of his “ Bhikshuni –Vinaya, p. 111-113.
24.   In her Introduction of “The Bhikkhuni Patimokkha of the Six Schools”, Dr. Chatusuman kabil singh opines ‘I relalised the prime importance of the Bhikkhuni Patimokkha of the six schools which have been preserved in the Chinese Tripitaka. During King Asoka’s time 18schools were mentioned but the monastic rules of the rest are no more available, for this reason the monastic rules of six remaining schools became even more significant and valuable. They are almost the only accessible means to trace to the various communities of the bhikkhunis in the past history. Gustav Roth in Introduction of his “ Bhikshuni –Vinaya,  p. 1.
25.   Ibid, p. 2, in the table, Th.=Theravada; Dh.=Dharmagupta; Mhs.=Mahisasaka; Msg.= Mahasanghika; Sar.=Sarvastivada; M.Sar.=Mulasarvastivada.
26.  Kern, H. Manual of Indian Buddhism, MotilalBanarasidas pub. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1898, p.116.
27.   Mahavamsa, Chap. xiv, 56-57; Dipavamsa, ed. Oldenberg, chap, xii, 82.
28.   Mahavamsa, Ed. William Geiger, chap XIX, p.65.
29.  S. Barua, op. cit., pp.229-230.
30.  Ibid, p.72.




Wednesday, January 17, 2018

Kurkihar of Bihar: A Forgotten Place of Buddhist Heritage





Sumanapal Bhikkhu

Kurkihar in Bihar is a village situated south of the Rajgir hills.  It is situated at a longitude of 85 degree 15 minutes and a longitude of 24 degree 49 minutes. It is located on the northern side of the road which connects Nalanda to Buddhagaya. We can reach the place from the nearby town of Wazirganj situated some four kilometers south west. Kurkihar is located 28 kms away from Gaya in Bihar and is a Buddhist site that holds a major position in the artistic position of the ninth century. It waned thereafter though did not disappear completely. 
In the year 1847 Markham Kittoe observed the remains of a Buddhist shrine at Paranha which is situated about 4.83 kilometers south west of Kurkihar. But when nearly 15 years later Alexander Cunningham visited the place he found that it had disappeared. Later Alexander Broadley picked up the doorframe of the temple and it was added to his collection in Bihar Shariff. Later it was shifted to the Indian Museum of Kolkata. From the site Kittoe had found some images.  Among them mention may be made of the ninth century image of Avolokitesvara and the eleventh century image of Halahala Lokesvar. The second image is related to a the contemporary sculpture discovered in the HarsaKol which is a valley situated approximately 6.44 kilometers south- south west  from Wazirganj. The valley of HarsaKol stands on the northern slope of the Sobhnath hill.1 A large number of votive chaityas and sculptural fragments have been found there. At the time of their discovery they were carried to the nearby village of Vishnupur Tandawa and now most of them are kept in the museums of Patna and Kolkata. Janice Leoshko in her recent study has shown that the material from HarsaKole and Vishnupur Tandawa is related to Bodhgaya through its iconography.2
Kurkihar was a very active site in the ninth century but during the tenth and the eleventh centuries it lost its attraction and it was followed by the construction of the temple of Punawan and a great activity started in the area of HarsaKole and Vishnupur Tandawa. Though the construction of stone images almost stopped in Kurkihar in that period it is interesting to note that a number of images of the be jeweled Buddha were constructed during the reign of Vigrahapala and a manuscript was drafted in the local monastery during Rampala’s reign.
Further Buddhist remains have been found in the Rajgir hills at Jethian Tapoban, and Rajgir and this is a major site on the road to Nalanda. Giyek situated at the eastern extremity of the hills is another site for Buddhist remains and furthers east the road running south of the hills relates directly the site of the region of LakhiSarai to Kurkihar.
The remains that are found in the village and region are mainly Buddhist and it appears that from the end of the eight century and in a large part of the ninth century the region was essentially Buddhist or the artistic production was primarily Buddhist. A large number of sculptures were found in the precincts of the main temple of Kurkihar. The compound of RaiHari Prasad’s kutchery lies west from it and the pit where a lot of bronze images were discovered in 1930 are still shown by the villagers. The remains are now kept in Patna Museum.
Now we will discuss the discovery of Kurkihar and subsequent events in detail. In 1811 -1812 Francis Buchanan Hamilton came to Bihar in an extensive tour but apparently he did not pass through Kurkihar. We do not find any mention of this village in his journal. However he visited a nearby village ‘Amaithi’ (Amethi) where images carved in the Kurkihar style can be still found.3 In hisjournal we find the mention of an image of the Buddha that was transported from Kurkiharto Ramshila of Gaya two or three years “before he came’. 4 This is an instance of transportation of image that took place until recent times.
A collection of drawings was made under the instruction of Buchanan and some of them reproduce images from Gaya or Bodhgaya which is directly influenced by the style of Kurkihar.5
In 1847 Mareham Kittoe visited Kurkihar ‘the site of an ancient city and of a Buddhist monastery or Vihara and hence the name which has been no doubt corrupted from Koorka Vihara; there are innumerable idols chiefly Buddha’s (sic), some of great size and very beautifully executed, and well worth removing to the museum and sending home. Among other things are a vast collection of miniature chaityas or Buddha temples, from 8 inches to several feet: these are noticed (sic) by Buchanan when speaking of Gaya; but they are more plentiful here than and Buddha Gaya than elsewhere. I have collected some but none are entire.”6 At First these were handed down to the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and later shifted to the Indian Museum.7 Kittoe returned to Kurkihar the following year and wrote on 22nd March 1848: “I have been for the past week engaged in Poonah and Koorkihar, at the former place I excavated round the Buddha temple, took a correct drawing of the very elaborate north doorway and of several idols, a sketch of the entire building and a ground plan. […]  have been able to decide that Koorkihar must have been a place of Buddhist pilgrimage, and that there were rows after rows of Chaityas extending north and south for several hundred feet: added to these, there were isolated buildings and tanks in every direction for a mile or more around.”
Apart from Kolkata sculptures collected by Markham Kittoe are also preserved at the Queen’s College of Varanasi, built under his direction in the years 1848-1852.8 In 1905 they were partly shifted to Sarnath, and partly to Lucknow.9
During the years 1861-1862 the village of Kurkihar and its surroundings were visited by Alexander Cunningham. In the report for 1872-1873 makes brief mention of the villages in the area (besides Kurkihar and Punawa , he names Jethian located in the Rajgir hills) with reference to Cunninghsm’s previous publication, however, these names do not appear on the map at the end of his report, which suggests that he may not have visited the region himself. Though the name of Kurkihar remained unnoticed by Cunningham in his report for 1871-1872, the surveyor located it on his map of Magadha. During the years 1879 to 1880 he visited the place again and mentioned the mound locally known as Sugatghar or Buddha’s house where ‘numerous Buddhist statues and other remains [which] were dug up by Major Kittoe and myself [Cunningham] and at a later date by Mr. Broadley […] But numbers of figures still remain to attest the former importance of the Buddhist establishment of Kukkuta –pada- giri. I have a record in my note book of 37 figures, now collected together at and near the temple of Bagheswari. I found also ten inscriptions of about A.D. 800 to A.D. 1000, of which on was set up by two Sakya mendicants from Kanchi (Kanchi-vasika) or Conjeveram.” The images mentioned by Cunningham are still found in the walling of the local temple.
Alexander Meyrick Broadley visited the place but did not dedicate the same amount of care and attention which he did for Nalanda. Broadley remembers that ‘a very fine circular chaitya found […] at Kurkihar […] contains more than forty figures of Buddha, all carved with wonderful sharpness and delicacy.” The doorway of the temple at Punawan was removed by him. In an earlier period Markham Kittoe noted the doorway and today it stands in the courtyard of the Indian Museum.
Thomas Fraser visited the place during his tour of south Bihar in 1865 and took photograph of the group of images standing in front of the temple.
Marc Aurel Stein visited the place in his ‘archeological tour in south Bihar’ to locate the places visited by the famous Chinese traveller Xuanzang in the seventh century.10 He reached Amethi on 17thOctober and when he was coming down from the hills he noticed there the‘small modern shrine by the roadside [which] contains three old images, covered with red –lead, one among them apparently representing Avolokitesvara.
The next village Stein visited was Kurkihar which according to him was a place of considerable importance […] judging from the extent of its ruined mounds and the remarkable amount of old sculpture, carved building stones and ancient bricks, which have been and are still being extracted from them.”
He understood that the remains scattered all through the village were important and he published the seated Avolokitesvara in the Potala which had then been recently discovered by villagers and is now kept in the Indian Museum.
According to K.P. Jayaswal attention was dramatically drawn to this place following the accidental discovery of a group of about 240 images in a mound situated west of the local temple within the compound of RaiHari Prasad’s kutchery. Most of them were cast in bronze.They were acquired for Patna Museum, but ‘there were a few images of solid silver [which]’ did not reach the authorities and the museum.
After being informed about the bronze images in the village, S. K. Saraswati and K.C. Sarkar visited the village ‘during the Christmas week of 1931. They noted that some of the antiquities mentioned by Stein and the votive chaityas could no longer be seen on the south west mound.11 Some images of Buddha or Bodhisattva were also seen observed by them scattered through the village. Shortly after the discovery of the place in 1930 the first steal showing the Buddha were sold by Nasli Heeramaneck and till recently stelae from his collection were offered for sale.
Susan Huntington was the first scholar who considered the site from an art historical point of view. She observed,” to the present, this important site has not been excavated despite its promise for bearing extensive material from the Pala period. The high quality of the sculptures which have been found there, both in stone and in metal, suggest that excavation would indeed be fruitful and significant.”12
In the early sixties a large number of stelae from this area were auctioned in Hamburg by Hauswedell and from there they found their way to the American and Indian collection. The plundering continues even today and not long ago one of the Avolokitesvara from Pretshila found its way to New York art market.  
During their visit of the region the scholars followed the path of the Chinese pilgrims who had visited India before the advent of the Palas. They proposed to identify the various archeological sites with places actually mentioned by the pilgrims.
For Markham Kittoe “Kurkihar was a derivative of ‘Koorka Vihara’ i.e. the monastery of Koorka. Alexander Cunningham was told that ‘the true name’ of the village was Kurak Vihar, a contracted form of Kukkuta –pada Vihara. Thus the name of the village was related by him to the Kukkutapadagiri or Cock’s Foot Mountain’ visited by Fahien (408-410) and Xuangzang (Hiuan- Tsang) during their Indian Journeys. The place has another name which is ‘the mountain of the venerable master’ or “Gurupadagiri’or “Gurupadaparvata’.13 The name was derived from Mahakasyapa who took shelter in the heart of the hill. Apart from that Cunningham identified the ‘Murali‘hills situated ‘3 miles to the north-north-east of the town of Kurkihar’ where he recovered remains on the middle peak as being the hill where Mahakasyapa lies buried.
During the Gupta and post Gupta period the place became a centre of pilgrimage13 and this place is nodal to the transmission of the monastic robe of the Buddha to Maitreya Buddha by one of Buddha’s closest disciples Mahakasyapa. We still find mention of this event in the Tibetan sources.
The site of Kukkutapadaparvata has a definite relationship to the direct transmission of Buddhahood from the historical Buddha to Maitreya, the future Buddha. During the fifth century Asanga, the philosopher ‘took up his abode in the cave of the mountain’ where he propitiated Maitreya for a period of twelve years.
The transmission of the dharma got recognition in outside India: in Bamyan, this event had a primary importance. In Kasagidera of Japan, a large eighth century image of Maitreya used to stand that illustrated the moment when Mahakasyapa gave the garment inherited from Sakyamuni to Maitreya. This is also illustrated by some rare stone sculptures from the post Gupta period found in various parts of Bihar.
The history of the retreat has slight variations but the major features do not alter. The monk goes inside a mountain and there he creates a cleft which closes behind him with the help of his khakkhara and he stands or sits at the top of the mountain between its three peaks. He holds or wears the garment of the Buddha which is made of gold thread or may be a more common robe. He is the physical attestation of the transmission of the Buddhist thought and faith to the right person.
The mountain holds an important position in Buddhism and we need to study it more closely. The Chinese sources named the mountains of Bihar after their shapes, for instance, the Cock’s foot or the Vulture’s foot. Again the name “Gurupadagiri was assigned to the hills indicating their role in hiding a holy man. Though the name is not relevant to the shape of the mountain it introduces a new concept, that of footprints. During the time of the Chinese pilgrims Buddha’s footprints and the marks left by other monks on the ground were commonly worshipped in Bihar. So it is natural to find a site evoking the presence of the master. 
Since Kurkihar is surrounded by hills it is almost impossible to identify Kukkutapadaparvata with certainty. At least three sites- Kurkihar (Murali hill) (A. Cunningham), Shobhnath hill (L.A. Wadell, M.A. Stein, A.W. Keith), Gurpa hill ( R.D. Banerji, TH BLOCH) –were proposed as the possible site where Mahakasyapa lay buried waiting for the coming of the future Buddha. It is certain that the place is situated between Rajgir and Bodhgaya and this location would suit both ‘Murali’ hill near Kurkihar and the Sobhnath hill. However there is the possibility that the pilgrims were directed by local informants to different sites, and they were convinced that they had reached the mountain where was hidden. We can only say with certainty that the place was situated somewhere east of Bodhgaya and south of the Rajgir hills.
Many of the images of Kurkihar are inscribed and from one of these inscriptions we come to know that a devotee from Kerala was responsible for the construction of a temple to the Buddha or sugatagandhakuti. Another monk Avolokitasimha from Kerala donated an image of which only the pedestal survived. Another temple to Sarojapani ‘holding a lotus in the hand’ i.e. Avolokitesvara was built by a monk whose master originated from Andhra.
In Kurkihar there are two images of the Buddha transmitting the Dharma to Maitreya and this reflects a trend that spread throughout the Buddhist world from the seventh to the eighth century. Irrespective of the position of the mountain in the depths of which Mahakasyapa lies buried to receive the future Buddha Kurkihar was certainly located near the hill supposed to be the mountain. The transmission of the Buddha’s garment i.e. the Dharma to Maitreya shows the everlastingness of it. Even if we take the site to be located near Kukkutapadagiri, this location was not playing any important role from the late ninth century onwards there was no iconographic source no iconographic data to point in the direction; mainstream Buddhism was practiced at Kurkihar and it according to it the enlightenment of the Buddha was more important but at the same time it left enough room for Avolokitesvara and Tara.
The site had relationship with other Buddhist sites like Mainamati located in the district of Comilla, southeast Bangladesh. For example, at Kurkihar a bronze image depicting a Pancakara was found and this certainly came from the region of Mainamati. There were numerous inscriptions attested to the existence of monks from South India at Kurkihar, the monastery also influenced Sirpur in Madhya Pradesh.    
We may assume that the monastery was established in the seventh century. It was a period in which the importance of the transmission of the Dharma through Mahakasyapa is widely attested through the Buddhist world and in Magadha in particular. We can surmise that the monastery was located on the road leading from Buddhagaya to Nalanda, and likewise on the road running south of the Rajgir hills and linking Gaya to east Bihar. The abundance of cultural remains which is found in the village Kurkihar and around it testifies to the fact that the monastery was set up near a town which afforded substantial donations. In all probability the town Wazirganj can be considered to mark the location of this original town.  
End Notes:
1.      A. Stein., 1901, p.86 describes Harsa as being a low ridge located north of the Sobhnath hill (which he does not mention), the harsa Kol being thus the space between the ridge and the hill;  see also the detailed description of the valley and its remains as given by BEGLAR 1878/1966, p. 104 and his pl. II. For a recent discussion of the site and the various attemts at identifying it, see Leoshko, 2003, pp. 77-79.
2.      The best known images of this area are the three sculptures showing the Buddha flanked by Maitreya and Avolokitesvera today preserved in Patna (often published, by see HUNTINGTON 1984, gigs 120-122 and pp. 106-7 concerning the link to the Bodhgaya stylistic idiom of the tenth c.). Besides these images, part of the pedestal, and a fragment of the nimbus and the throne back (today preserved in the Patna museum, see HUNTINGTONarchive n 1888) which must have stood behind the central image of the Budha were found, see A. STEIN 1901, fig. IV and KEITh 1910, fig.3 for the composition (also observed by LEPSHKO 2000, p. 32). As mentionedbelow, images partaking of the ‘esoteric’ Buddhism were also produced at the site.
3.      Buchanan, 1925, p. 120.
4.      Idem, p. 28.
5.      CBP, 1989c.
6.      Kittoe, 1847a, p. 80.
7.      Kittoe, 1847c, p. 602-603.
8.      Saini, 1914, p. 12.
9.      Idem, pp. 12 and 314.CBP1989d, p. 143. The images which remained at Sarnath were evidently not found in Bihar, but most probably at Varanasi and in the area (SAHNI 1914, pp. 314-328) while the material sent to Lucknow included the images collected in Bihar.
10.  Asher, 1970, p. 107. BAKSHI, 1987, p. 84.
11.  Saraswati Sarkar, 1936,  p. 4.
12.  ‘Gurpaparvata’ (or ‘Gurvaparvata’) is mentioned by Taranatha (Chattopadhyay, Alaka., 1980, pp. 27 and 156); ;Gurpaparvata’ is quoted by Sumpa (Das, 1908, p. XX).
13.  ‘Buddhist pilgrims of that and other countries come year by year (to this mountain) to pay religious worship to Kasyapa.’ (FA-XIAN, after BEAL 1869, p. 133; James Legge, 1886, p. 93; Alexander Cunninghum, 1882, p. 5). This is not mentioned by Xuanzang who also does not evoke the Arhats who appear and disappear magically in the mountain when pilgrims come in order ‘to discourse with [them]’ (Beal, 1869, p. 133). On the contrary, his description of Mahakasyapa’s miraculous acts is made with much more fantasy and detail than in the earlier testimony by Faxian. These testimonies are also quoted by Brock, 1988, pp. 224-6. Another Chinese pilgrim to have visited the place was Mo-ti-seng-ho (Matisim ha) (Lahiri, 1986, p. 29). Another version relates Mahakasyapa to the Vulture’s Peak or Grdhakuta (waters, 1905, p. 145). A detailed analysis of Faxian’s and Xuanzang’s versions has been recently made by Deeg (2005, pp. 465-71; 1999). The recent observations made by D. klimburg-salter on the topic (2005, p. 545.)